Statements: Voices Shaping Sudan’s Narrative
“Vision Center for Peace and Development
And Taja Organization for Supporting Women, Girls, and Children – Humanitarian Appeal Regarding the Deteriorating Humanitarian Conditions in the “Tawila” Area – North Darfur State”
Sudan Sawa Sawa, April 13, 2025
The Tawila area in North Darfur is experiencing catastrophic humanitarian conditions due to a massive influx of people fleeing the ongoing conflict in the city of El Fasher and its surrounding areas. The region has become a refuge for thousands of displaced families who have arrived under extremely harsh conditions, amidst a complete absence of humanitarian organizations and civil society.
Current Situation:
The number of displaced persons has exceeded 10,000 in the past two weeks.
Urgent Needs:
– Food and safe drinking water
– Shelter (tents, tarps, blankets)
– Primary healthcare and medicine
– Sanitation services
– Psychological and social support for women and children
Challenges:
– Almost complete absence of humanitarian and relief organizations
– Lack of health centers capable of accommodating the increasing number of displaced persons
– Severe shortage of food and drinking water
– Risk of disease outbreaks due to environmental contamination and weak infrastructure
Our Appeal:
We at the Vision Center for Peace and Development and the Taja Organization for Supporting Women, Girls, and Children urgently call on the international humanitarian community, UN agencies, and humanitarian and relief organizations to intervene swiftly to save lives and provide immediate support to the displaced in the Tawila area.
We direct this appeal to:
– The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)
– The World Food Programme (WFP)
– The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR)
– The World Health Organization (WHO)
– All international, regional, and local humanitarian organizations
Contact Information
For communication and coordination:
– Vision Center for Peace and Development: visionsentere.vcpd@gmail.com
– Taja Organization for Supporting Women, Girls, and Children: tajaorgwomen@gmail.com
The situation in Tawila is warning of a humanitarian disaster unless urgent action is taken. We hope that all concerned parties will respond to this appeal and provide immediate assistance to the displaced who are living in dire conditions, as dozens of families continue to flee from El Fasher and its surroundings daily.
“Insights on Awareness of the National Project”
Sudan Sawa Sawa, April 13, 2025
By: El Duma Ali/
Deputy Head of the Revolutionary Liberation Council – France Office – Sudan Liberation Movement/Army – Led by Professor Abdul Wahid Mohamed Nour.
“Kofi Annan: Our mission is to confront ignorance with knowledge and intolerance with tolerance.”
Our mission is to confront ignorance through the dissemination of knowledge and to challenge blind intolerance with tolerance. From this perspective, we must recognize that the foundation of this mission begins with the formation of a collective awareness project that serves oppressed peoples who have suffered from enforced ignorance throughout history. This project requires continuous efforts to liberate these peoples from the educational frameworks imposed on them, whether deliberately or as a result of systematic oppressive regimes that have served the interests of groups hiding behind false national slogans.
Projects aimed at enlightening minds can only be initiated by those who have transcended narrow interests and freed themselves from artificial intellectual constraints that do not reflect the hopes of the people or meet their aspirations. Instead, they deepen the gap between them and their true national project. Hence, the importance of promoting enlightenment methodologies that directly confront systematic ignorance and work to expose and eradicate it through scientific research tools and objective criticism. This involves diagnosing its causes, dismantling its references, and then building new intellectual foundations that take into account an understanding of the roots of crises and defining change objectives derived from a deep comprehension of the realities faced by these peoples.
Often, these crises are based on distorted structures created by elite groups that emerged from narrow circles. They sought to dominate the majority’s resources by controlling public awareness and exploiting resources, using methods of indoctrination, and promoting embellished slogans that embody “divide and conquer” policies. This is accompanied by demagogic rhetoric directed at the general public, which often aligns with the ideologies of these groups, aiming to maintain their historical privileges, even if it leads the nation to the brink of collapse, as is the case in Sudan today.
Therefore, the desired knowledge must be derived from the realities of the people, respecting their cultures, customs, traditions, and spiritual beliefs. These should be recognized and included in a permanent constitution that guarantees rights and duties equally among all citizens and promotes the values of a national state based on full citizenship.
When these legitimate human rights are achieved and become a tangible reality, intolerance will naturally fade away, as it is fundamentally a product of regressive and erroneous ideas that express hatred and rejection of the other. With the disappearance of these ideas, values of tolerance will prevail, creating cohesive societies that are open to one another, governed by the principles and objectives outlined in the constitution, reflecting the collective will of the people within a framework of national sovereignty rooted in the sentiments of the people, free from any external manipulation or misleading ideological slogans.
“War Leaves Widespread Devastation in Higher Education”
Sudan Sawa Sawa, April 12, 2025
By: Hussein Saad
A study by the Great African Rift Institute titled “The Impact of War in Sudan on Higher Education and the Academic Research Community” confirmed the presence of 39 public universities and 25 private universities prior to the war, with no fewer than 700,000 students and 14,000 university lecturers, of whom 8,000 hold doctoral degrees. The study, prepared by Mona Al-Qadal and Rebecca Ghidled, spans 43 pages and includes an executive summary, a map of Sudan’s border crossings, an introduction, research methodology, background on higher education in Sudan, institutions, the war, and its effects on Sudanese students and academics, as well as external movements involving Egypt, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Uganda, and East African countries.
The study states that the war has caused immeasurable destruction and suffering, posing a threat to vital institutions across the country, including higher education institutions. These establishments have not only faced the destruction of key facilities but also the mass displacement of students and faculty, leading to the disruption of activities in public, private, and community universities. Some institutions have relocated to other countries, while others have resorted to online education with limited resources. Meanwhile, some universities continue to operate to varying degrees, as teachers heroically assist students in completing their studies through online courses. Lecturers send pre-recorded lectures to students via Telegram and WhatsApp, even while receiving only 60% of their already low salaries, which are often paid late.
University administrations have managed to organize examinations periodically in safe areas of Sudan, particularly where government ministries are functioning in the east. The University of Khartoum has provided examination venues in Egypt and Saudi Arabia. However, these efforts have been hampered by the ongoing escalation of the war. The Ministry of Higher Education established a committee under the supervision of Al-Jazira University to monitor educational institutions affected by the war, based in Wad Madani, with directives issued from there. After Rapid Support Forces entered Al-Jazira State in December 2023, the committee’s activities moved to Port Sudan, where its main headquarters has been located since then.
The war has forced many families to flee once again, accompanied by internet outages and the loss of some academic records, including university files. Several facilities, such as laboratories, workshops, libraries, lecture halls, and administrative offices, have been looted or destroyed. The destruction was particularly evident at Omdurman Islamic University, where the library and archives of the Mohammed Omar Bashir Center for Sudanese Studies were burned. The devastation at universities outside Khartoum was significant, especially in Darfur, affecting institutions such as Zalingei, Geneina, and Nyala, as well as Al-Jazira University and Al-Batana University in Al-Jazira State.
The study indicated that some universities successfully preserved digital copies of academic records away from the battles, including Omdurman Islamic University, the University of Khartoum, and Sudan University of Science and Technology. The process of securing academic records took at least six to eight months at the University of Khartoum and is still ongoing at other institutions. Universities that were not affected by the war had the time to safeguard their records, while the status of academic records at private and community universities varied. Some provided backup records on servers outside Sudan and were able to reassure students about their records.
Effects of War on Sudanese Students and Academics:
With the outbreak of war, many fled from Khartoum to other states or outside Sudan. A report from the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in August 2024 revealed that over 10.3 million people were forced to flee, with 2.1 million moving to other countries and 7.9 million displaced internally. These numbers represent a minimum estimate based on monitoring of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and Sudanese registered in neighboring countries as refugees or asylum seekers.
In December 2023, as the war spread to Al-Jazira State, the number of people fleeing increased, with some leaving their possessions, money, and laptops in Khartoum, expecting the war to end quickly or fearing theft during their journey. Among those escaping the horrors of war were university professors, staff, and students. In the areas where they sought refuge, many homes were not built to accommodate the influx of newcomers, and rental prices surged, especially for those who fled to Madani, then to Sennar, Singa, Gadaref, or Kassala, and Port Sudan. During this journey, many lost their remaining cash. Those without relatives in these states or unable to afford high rents ended up living in displacement camps or schools.
There are relatively few professors and students outside Sudan compared to those within the country. Students and graduates face unique challenges, particularly those pursuing master’s and doctoral degrees who are in the research or writing phases, experiencing significant disruptions, data loss, and restrictions on their ability to continue their research. The situation for university faculty members is precarious; some have been dismissed or had their employment conditions altered. The Ministry of Higher Education has been slow to send salaries to universities. The University of Khartoum used its own funds to pay its faculty a single month’s salary, but other public universities were unable to do so after months of war.
Additionally, the Ministry of Finance announced a system where university professors would receive 60% of their salaries, but payments have been irregular and delayed, leaving faculty uncertain about when they would receive their compensation. The value of this 60% has diminished due to the decline of the Sudanese pound against the dollar in the parallel market, while commodity prices have skyrocketed. The Ministry of Finance also suspended salaries for university professors in Darfur due to halted activities there. There has been talk that Zalingei University will resume operations in White Nile State, but this remains uncertain.
Private and community university professors found themselves in even more challenging situations due to the fragility of their employment contracts and the lack of financial support from their institutions. Some private universities that relocated their studies outside Sudan canceled faculty contracts, leaving professors in Sudan without work as they hired new faculty at their new locations. Some universities offer remote work opportunities in online education, which requires internet access and is costly.
Movements Outside Sudan:
Sudanese academics and students are making decisions about where to go based on their economic situations and social ties, just like all displaced individuals. The process of displacement is mentally, physically, and economically exhausting. When the war broke out, air travel became impossible due to the bombing of Khartoum Airport and the closure of Wadi Sidna Airport for emergency evacuations. Most travel occurred via buses and vehicles, as people fled to the borders of Chad, Egypt, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and South Sudan. In the early days, some traveled by ferry to Saudi Arabia.
Conditions at the borders varied, and entry requirements differed. The ferries to Saudi Arabia not only required valid visas but also additional permits for boarding from both the Sudanese and Saudi sides. Initially, Eritrea and Ethiopia closed their borders; however, some people managed to cross. By August 2024, more than 47,000 were in camps near White Nile State, facing dire conditions, with some being attacked by armed groups.
Upon entering Ethiopia from Metemma, people were required to travel by bus to Qadar directly, where they would then book flights to Addis Ababa. The border with Chad was fluid, and many fled from Geneina to Chad at the onset of the war. In this situation, some university professors, especially women, turned to alternative professions, such as preparing and selling Sudanese products like perfumes and incense to earn money. Others who had resources opened bakeries and small businesses, while some resorted to teaching in private secondary schools, including those that relocated their activities to Egypt.
Amid all these challenges, in addition to the human cost of this war, students and professors have been killed during fighting between armed factions, and many have died from lack of access to medical care due to the war, which destroyed numerous medical facilities. Additionally, elderly faculty members have succumbed to conditions exacerbated by stress.
Academics in Egypt:
In Egypt, rental prices in Cairo have tripled, exacerbated by the depreciation of the Egyptian pound in late 2023, which has made living costs increasingly high. The rapid rise in the dollar’s value against the Egyptian pound has made obtaining visas relatively easy. However, when the war broke out, Egyptian consular requests in Wadi Halfa surged. On June 1, 2023, the Egyptian government announced that all Sudanese citizens would need to obtain visas to enter the country. The application process became increasingly difficult, with more procedural obstacles and long waiting times.
As conditions deteriorated in Sudan, many resorted to smuggling themselves into Egypt, a highly costly endeavor.
South Sudan:
Entering South Sudan is typically done through several crossing points, mainly via a journey to Kosti and then to Renk, with flights to Juba and other points through Aweil, Malakal, Blue Nile, and Darfur. This travel is costly and arduous. Those who travel to Juba have the option of looking for work there or traveling to Uganda. The journey to Uganda is easier, either by bus or by flying to Entebbe. Entry to Uganda is straightforward, with a visa costing $50, valid for three months, and renewable for a total of six months. Those without the funds for a visa can apply for refugee status by surrendering their passports; however, they would then be relocated to the refugee camp in Kyaka, about 200 kilometers north of Kampala, where conditions are very basic.
Efforts to employ Sudanese academics have been more pronounced for doctors and university professors in medical colleges, although there is some hiring in other fields. The South Sudanese government has made it relatively easier for doctors to practice medicine, leading to a flow of Sudanese doctors to private clinics in Juba, as well as to public and private universities. In 2023, despite the depreciation of the South Sudanese currency, Sudanese university professors were earning relatively good salaries compared to other professions. However, they experienced delays in receiving their salaries and had to cover living expenses due to the conditions in Juba.
Ethiopia:
The situation for Sudanese academics and students in Ethiopia is similar to that of all Sudanese who have arrived there: transitional, intentional, and unstable. Those who entered with a visa can extend it for six months for $600, after which they are expected to leave, although they can apply for another visa. In practical terms, Sudanese lecturers have faced significant difficulties in finding work due to the higher education structure in Ethiopia, which is heavily centralized. Decisions regarding admissions, budgets, and hiring come from the Ministry of Education. During the Tigray War from 2020 to 2022, the Ministry of Higher Education lost much of its funding, severely limiting its budget for external appointments. However, there is a need and potential for Ethiopian universities to hire qualified Sudanese lecturers, particularly those with doctoral degrees who can teach in English.
Sudanese students face an even more challenging situation when it comes to the possibility of enrolling in Ethiopian universities. Applications must come through the Sudanese Ministry of Higher Education via the Sudanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs before being sent to the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and then to the Ministry of Education. From there, it goes to Ethiopian education and training authorities for consideration to determine the student’s equivalency and level. A student may be accepted but will be required to pay full tuition fees.
Academics in Uganda:
Uganda does not share a direct border with Sudan, so Sudanese entering Uganda must cross into South Sudan by land or fly to Entebbe from Port Sudan, which raises the cost of reaching Uganda. While Uganda has a relatively open policy toward refugees, Sudanese individuals without the means to obtain visas or for subsequent travel are taken to the refugee camp in Kyaka, 200 kilometers south of the border, to obtain refugee status. Opportunities in this camp are limited for university lecturers, as it focuses primarily on agriculture.
Refugees can work regularly with a company, university, or institute without a work permit, which is a significant advantage since work permits can cost between $500 and $2,500 per year. Additionally, they can open a bank account and participate in the formal economy. However, the use of English as the medium of instruction poses a barrier for many Sudanese academics.
Academics in East Africa:
The situation in East African countries, including Kenya, Tanzania, and Rwanda, is similar to that in Uganda. While there is a flight option from Port Sudan to Nairobi, traveling to Tanzania or Rwanda typically requires additional travel by land or flights through other countries. Consequently, the Sudanese community in these countries is smaller. Nonetheless, some have gone to Kenya to work with the United Nations or non-governmental organizations that have relocated there. A few Sudanese universities, such as the Medical and Technological Sciences University, have repositioned themselves in East Africa, operating from Rwanda and Tanzania. However, the hiring of lecturers and the enrollment of students have been limited due to similar challenges faced in Uganda, including the necessity of proficiency in English, French, and Swahili.
Academics in the Gulf:
Sudanese individuals can access the Gulf region via flights and ships, with travel options to countries such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the UAE. Their ability to apply for visas is often influenced by social connections and legal pathways. Most Sudanese academics and students who traveled to the Gulf did so with the assistance of family members or acquaintances already residing there. Some secured visas through family sponsorship, while others did so via professional relationships and networks.
Recommendations:
1. Develop Medium-Sized Grants: Establish grants to assist Sudanese universities in transitioning to online and distance education, and allocate funding for students to purchase internet data for downloading lectures.
2. Technical and Material Support: Provide technical and material support to Sudanese universities to develop electronic learning platforms.
3. Emergency Grants for Lecturers: Offer emergency grants to Sudanese lecturers, particularly those displaced outside Sudan.
4. Employment of Sudanese Scholars: International organizations working to preserve cultural and scientific institutions should employ Sudanese scholars with relevant expertise in these fields.
“Sudan: Land of Heroes and Revolutions”
Sudan Sawa Sawa, April 10, 2025
By: Hussein Saad
When the Jasmine Revolution erupted in Tunisia, I wrote an analysis for our publication, “Ajars Al-Hurriya,” before it was closed by the National Congress Party in July 2011. The analysis was titled “From Tunisia to Sudan: The Cause is One and So is the Solution.” The Sudanese people, known for igniting revolutions and being a land of heroes, have preceded many countries in initiating popular uprisings.
Following Sudan’s independence in 1956, several revolutions occurred against oppressive military governments. The first was in 1964 against General Ibrahim Abboud, the second in 1985 against Marshal Jaafar Nimeiri, and the third in December 2019 against Marshal Omar al-Bashir. Each of these revolutions successfully overthrew the respective regimes. The Sudanese people are recognized as the first to launch a popular revolution in Africa and the Arab world.
Today, in April 2025, as we reflect on the prophetic year following the March-April 1985 revolution that led to Nimeiri’s downfall, and seven years since the sit-in at the General Command in April 2019 that ousted al-Bashir, we must draw lessons from our disappointments and setbacks. As Professor Ammar Al-Baqir noted in his articles titled “In Commemoration of the December Revolution,” the first setback came after the signing of the political agreement and constitutional document, which led to the establishment of the first transitional government. It is important to note that while this setback weakened the revolution, it did not extinguish it.
We will also conduct a deep analysis of the political class that has dominated the political scene. In my book, “The Dream of Revolution and the Challenges of Transition,” I dedicated a chapter to the unity of the Forces for Freedom and Change and its components. The challenges were numerous, and disagreements intensified day by day, leading to a significant fragmentation of these forces. Despite their initial resilience, they could not withstand the fierce winds of change.
Furthermore, we must consider the role of trade unions in the revolution and their share of disappointments and setbacks. The transitional government’s media shortcomings in supporting democratic transition and addressing errors contributed to escalating tribal conflicts, which became evident during the transitional period in regions like Darfur, Khartoum, South Kordofan, Kassala, Port Sudan, and Al-Jazeera.
The attempts to undermine the revolution have led to civilian casualties and displacement, as well as threats of famine and deteriorating economic, health, and living conditions. A widespread campaign of arrests has occurred, with some individuals dying in detention centers, alongside horrific reports of sexual violence documented by human rights organizations.
For the sake of public interest, we aim to draw comparisons and lessons from the March-April 1985 uprising. We will also revisit the insights of Professor Taj Al-Sir Osman in his piece titled “On Its Fortieth Anniversary: What Are the Lessons of the March-April 1985 Uprising?”
In Your Green Name, O October
On October 21, 1964, a popular revolution erupted against the regime of the late General Ibrahim Aboud, toppling his government. This was the first popular revolution in Africa and the Arab world. The revolution began at the University of Khartoum following the killing of student Ahmed Al-Quraishi, whose funeral sparked the uprising. Sudanese artists Mohamed Wardi and Mohamed Al-Amin sang in celebration of the October Revolution, which is still remembered with great appreciation and reverence by the Sudanese people.
In your green name, O October, the earth sings…
The fields have ignited with wheat, promises, and hopes.
The treasures exploded from the earth, calling…
In your name, the people triumphed.
The prison walls broke down…
And the chains fell like wedding braids in hands.
October has been in our nation since time immemorial…
It lived through silence and sorrows,
Resilient and victorious until the dawn appeared…
History ignited a fire and burned bright.
The people echoed the words of the late poet Hashim Siddiq:
When the tyrant’s night was long and the dawn of light transformed from our eyes…
We said we would revive the past.
The past of our ancestors who defeated the oppressor and demolished the citadels of tyranny.
And on a night when we were crowds battling the oppressive era, barriers ignited, obstacles burned.
A cry came from the street…
We swear we will not falter; the path of the revolution guides the free.
And the street rose…
The anger of the nation spread like fire, and all of us, O homeland, were crowds of revolutionaries.
The April and December Revolutions:
On April 6, 1985, the April Revolution broke out against the regime of Jaafar Nimeiri in the capital and the regions. This victorious revolution followed Nimeiri’s declaration of a state of emergency in the country amid rising prices for food and fuel.
In 2013, the September Uprising erupted following the removal of subsidies on consumer goods and fuel by the ousted Bashir government. In 2016, a strike by Sudanese doctors protested the government’s deliberate neglect of the health sector, followed by a sit-in in 2017.
In December 2018, after months of gasoline shortages and a severe currency crisis, the revolution lasted for four months until April 6, 2019. This marked the largest call for a sit-in in front of the General Command of the Armed Forces, demanding the overthrow of the ruling National Congress Party and the military regime of ousted Omar Hassan Ahmad Bashir. As a result, the president was removed, and a Transitional Military Council was announced on April 11, 2019.
The people were dissatisfied with the council’s president (Lieutenant General Awad Ibn Auf), who was associated with the previous regime. On April 12, 2019, he resigned from his position, and Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan was appointed. Despite this, the revolutionaries continued their sit-in until their demands were met, but the number of martyrs more than doubled. A massacre of betrayal occurred in the last days of Ramadan during negotiations between the revolutionary forces of the Declaration of Freedom and Change and the Military Council, until the constitutional document was agreed upon and signed on August 17, 2019.
“(Jahr) Stop the ongoing war against the bodies of women. Sudanese female journalists work with high professionalism in oppressive conditions and circumstances.”
By: Hussein Saad
Sudan Sawa Sawa: March 9, 2025
Journalists for Human Rights (Jahr) emphasized the necessity of stopping the targeting of female journalists and journalists, halting the war, and ensuring accountability for crimes committed against them.
In a statement released to mark International Women’s Day, celebrated every year on March 8, Jahr stated: “With the escalation of armed conflict in Sudan between the two main parties (the Armed Forces) and (the Rapid Support Forces), along with allied groups and militias, women, particularly female journalists, have become direct targets of violence, persecution, and systematic targeting that includes murder, torture, enforced disappearance, and sexual violence in this catastrophic war. Both parties have abandoned the rules of international humanitarian law and their international responsibilities in dealing with civilians and civilian objects. They have neglected their duties to protect the safety of civilians, especially female journalists and other civilian groups, including healthcare providers and humanitarian relief workers—all of whom are members of the civil society that should be protected under international humanitarian law.”
Jahr described International Women’s Day as a cherished occasion for Sudanese women and female journalists, as well as for women around the world. This year’s celebration comes under the slogan “Rights, Equality, and Empowerment for All Women and Girls for a Fairer and More Equitable Future for Everyone. ” This slogan aims to call for “accelerating measures that will open the door to equality in rights, power, and opportunities for all, and a future where no woman is left behind.”
This year, International Women’s Day arrives as the world faces new and interconnected crises, witnessing a frightening decline and erosion of rights. Our country, Sudan, continues to suffer under the weight of a devastating war that erupted in the capital on the morning of Saturday, April 15, 2023, spreading across the entire nation. This conflict continues to wreak havoc on the bodies of Sudanese women, forcing them into displacement from their childhood homes, neighborhoods, and workplaces. This horrific and oppressive war has truly become a “war against the bodies of women,” with women and girls subjected to horrific killings and systemic violence.
The weapons of rape, kidnapping, enforced disappearance, and enslavement of women and girls have become lethal tools used systematically in this catastrophic war, degrading the dignity of women. Thousands of women have been forced to leave their homes, facing displacement and the fragmentation of families due to the systematic targeting of women. They struggle to find safe havens in displacement areas within the country and seek refuge in neighboring Arab and African countries in search of physical, psychological, and familial safety amidst severe economic, social, and cultural difficulties.
In this hostile environment for women, Sudanese female journalists continue their courageous struggle and fight, fulfilling their professional duties with great responsibility, high professionalism, and commitment under incredibly harsh conditions that make it almost impossible to work. The war has compelled dozens of them into forced and involuntary displacement to relatively safer areas within the country or to flee to the unknown, seeking asylum or legal residency across borders.
Many female journalists remain trapped in the heart of danger, facing an uncertain and bleak fate in the midst of war. As the conflict persists, they confront challenges related to survival, lack of medicine, and difficulties in fulfilling their professional mission to uncover the truth amid the ruins of homes destroyed by indiscriminate aerial bombardments and the roar of artillery and drones.
The Sudanese journalist community and civil society are urged to unite, consolidate efforts, and harness energy and enthusiasm to build a broad coalition against war, hate speech, and discrimination, advocating for peace, freedom, and justice. This coalition should work independently to stop the war and commit clearly to the principle of accountability for both warring parties and all entities involved in human rights violations in Sudan. There must be a firm assurance that they will not escape punishment for committing war crimes, crimes against humanity, and acts of genocide—crimes that are not subject to statute of limitations and should not be forgotten or subjected to political compromises that overlook the pursuit of justice, fairness, and reparations for the victims of armed conflict in Sudan.
It is noteworthy that this year’s celebration coincides with the thirtieth anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, issued in 1995. This important historical document pertains to women’s rights worldwide, particularly the right to legal protection, access to services, the engagement of youth, and the transformation of social norms, stereotypes, and outdated ideas.
“Sudanese Women on Their Day: War Must Stop and Justice Achieved”
By: Hussein Saad
Sudan Sawa Sawa, March 9, 2025
On Saturday, March 8, the world celebrated International Women’s Day, honoring the struggles, courage, and contributions of women. This day recognizes their relentless fight for social justice and a dignified life for everyone. In the towns and villages of Sudan, this significant occasion comes at a time when our country is deeply scarred by the ongoing war since April 15 between the armed forces and the Rapid Support Forces. Sudanese women have paid a heavy price for this catastrophic war, experiencing violence, sexual assault, murder, and forced displacement, particularly in regions like Darfur, Khartoum, Al-Jazeera, and Senja
The repercussions of this conflict have led to a complete absence of healthcare and education services, widespread unemployment, poverty, and the proliferation of weapons, coupled with a severe lack of security. Millions of women are treated as second-class citizens, stripped of their rights and subjected to various forms of blatant discrimination that shame humanity. They do not receive wages sufficient to sustain their livelihoods or support their families, nor do they earn equal pay to men.
The state has failed to fulfill its responsibilities towards children, neglecting to provide daycare and kindergartens, which further burdens women. They are often forced into domestic servitude and face sexual violence due to the wars and rampant domestic abuse. Additionally, laws have been enacted that undermine women’s status and strip them of the right to choose their lifestyle, profession, partner, and the freedom to move and reside as they wish.
Numerous laws against women, such as the Public Order and Personal Status laws, have stripped mothers of custody rights and led to the widespread practice of child marriage. These issues have created a complex web of challenges for Sudanese women, turning their lives into a living hell. According to reports from international organizations, there are over 10 million displaced persons due to the war, of whom around 90% are women and children. More than 5 million women and girls are at risk of sexual violence, and alarming reports indicate the existence of markets for the sale of women in Sudan.
In the marches and demonstrations of the glorious December Revolution, Sudanese women were at the forefront. However, when the revolutionary government was formed, they were marginalized and excluded from decision-making positions in the transitional government despite their noble contributions and sacrifices. Although they were promised a 40% representation quota to meet the aspirations of Sudanese women, that promise was not fulfilled, and the actual representation was far less than promised. This reflects a failure to meet the expectations of Sudanese women and recognize their vital role in society and the political process.
We believe that the way to escape this nightmare is to stop the war and achieve justice and equity. This requires equal opportunities for men and women and moving away from the current governance approach based on tribal quotas and favoritism. There must be a comprehensive change in the methodology of peace agreements, which have only led to more wars and the spread of hate speech and racism, replacing equal citizenship and social justice.
Whenever there is a movement towards peace, as seen in previous periods, women are simultaneously excluded from participating in the political processes aimed at stopping the war and achieving peace. Occasionally, we see token participation from some women. One of the many lessons learned from peace-building experiences in Sudan and the protection of women is that our country has a long history of impunity. The failure to hold perpetrators of atrocities accountable is not only a barrier to transitional justice but also perpetuates the cycle of violence. Many horrific human rights violations that occurred in Darfur years ago are now being repeated in Khartoum, Al-Jazeera, Senja, and other areas.
The complete lack of justice reflects the failure of the Sudanese state and the international community, sending a message to victims that they do not deserve justice and that perpetrators can continue their actions without fear of consequences. On International Women’s Day, we affirm that there is no freedom for society without the liberation of women. There is no meaning to any standards of humanity, civilization, or progress without achieving complete equality for women and ensuring they enjoy all economic, political, and social rights equally. We must end all laws that affect women’s status, essence, and human dignity.
In light of the current war in Sudan, we call on the international community to prioritize the issue of women during these ongoing and future negotiations, ensuring they receive full protection. The parties to the conflict should not consider women as legitimate battlefields from which they can escape accountability, as has been the case historically.
In addition to promoting equality and implementing United Nations Security Council resolutions, such as Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security, which calls for increasing women’s participation in all conflict prevention and resolution efforts, it is crucial to effectively incorporate women’s issues into peace talks and transitional negotiations. We must ensure their representation reflects their reality and contributions to society.
Women in Sudan are not merely victims; they are also leaders and key drivers of change and peace. They must be considered partners in building a peaceful future for Sudan. It is essential to remember that achieving peace and stability in Sudan will not be possible without addressing the root problems faced by women and ensuring their rights are fully upheld.
The time has come to change the narrative and focus efforts on building a future that guarantees women the status they deserve in leadership and in laying the foundations for a new Sudan. In conclusion, we extend our heartfelt congratulations and best wishes to women around the world and especially in Sudan on the occasion of their International Day. We echo the words of the people’s poet, Mahgoub Sharif: “Good morning, bright evening… O homemaker and office lady, open to the public… Blessed is your effort, O mother of labor, stamped with toil… Rise early, prepare the shirt and scarf… You have memorized the anthem and the verse… I love the scent of the earth and the breeze.”
“Key Features of Behaviors Associated with Intolerance”
Written by: Atif Mohamed Ahmed
Interested in Studying Humanities
Sudan Sawa Sawa, March 6, 2025
1. Verbal Changes within Group Boundaries: This leads to individuals expressing less or demonstrating intolerance. People may refrain from being honest in their creativity due to fear of harm. Those experiencing certain modern forms of intolerance often react negatively in front of friends and close ones or, at times, even in front of their group members.
2. Avoidance: This involves taking steps to avoid interaction with influential group members whom one dislikes, regardless of the reasons. In this case, the intolerant individual does not express direct hatred towards the group but completely withdraws from any interaction with its members, ensuring adherence to avoidance.
3. Discrimination: This behavior marks the onset of a discriminatory mindset, where the intolerant individual deprives members of creative groups of access to facilities and privileges that others enjoy. This is often enforced through laws that are explicitly supported by authorities in certain societies, as is currently the case in Sudan.
4. Violence and Physical Aggression: Intense animosity among creative individuals can escalate to levels of violence and physical aggression against group members driven by hatred.
5. Genocide: This stage represents the extreme hostility and hatred among groups, involving acts of genocide or other forms of mass violence without any justification.
“People’s Movement Led by ‘Al-Hilu’ Comments on Kadugli incidents”
Kadugli: Sudan Sawa Sawa, February 4, 2025
The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement – North (SPLM-N) issued a statement regarding recent incidents in Kadugli, announcing that the “People’s Army” has repelled an attack by the “Port Sudan militia” targeting its positions.
In the early hours of Monday, February 3, 2025, the Port Sudan militia, which refers to itself as the “Sudanese Armed Forces,” bombarded areas under the control of the SPLM-N and attempted to advance to seize these territories.
Aggressive movements began on January 30, 2025, when they deployed a mobile force to the “Kuwik” area and established a presence in Jabal “Hajar al-Mak” within Kadugli. On February 1, 2025, they started shelling SPLM-controlled areas in Kiga, Saraf al-Dai, Tilo, al-Dashoul, and Hajar al-Mak, subsequently forcing citizens to evacuate from neighborhoods in Kadugli to Hajar al-Mak, placing them in the line of fire.
The SPLM’s forces confronted the attacking force, inflicting significant losses in a populated area. The movement of the army was observed as citizens attempted to advance towards SPLM-controlled regions.
The actions of the “Port Sudan militias” are an extension of the ongoing assaults they have conducted since the bombing of the city of “Yabus” in the New Funj region on December 19, 2024, which resulted in the deaths of three World Food Programme staff members. This was followed by attacks on several areas in the Nuba Mountains region aimed at expelling humanitarian organizations and halting the delivery of aid to those in need.
Similar movements have been noted from the city of Daleng, but the SPLM-N is monitoring all these activities and is fully prepared to respond to any attack or aggression targeting its controlled areas.
“A Call to the Army: You are Being Led to a Televised Hell, and the “Brave” are Nothing but Murderous Terrorists”
Sudan Sawa Sawa, February 1, 2025
Author: Yasir Arman
I feel a deep sorrow for the people, particularly the civilians, who are preoccupied with the trivialities of disengagement while ignoring the murderers and the so-called “Brave Battalions,” who terrorize the innocent. These groups attack unarmed civilians, killing hundreds and broadcasting their crimes on social media, marking an unprecedented escalation of war crimes in Sudan.
The leaders of the Islamists, along with figures like Osama Abdullah and his relatives—filled with hatred for the December Revolution—believe they can eradicate any trace of resistance from the people’s hearts and erase the memory of the revolution. They fail to understand that the revolution will endure as long as the people remain, as it represents the people’s path to a dignified life. The faith in it is unwavering, akin to faith in God.
The Islamists have a mutually beneficial relationship with the upper echelons of the military leadership, based on a pact of power and wealth accumulation devoid of principles or any mention of God or the homeland. This is an unlicensed agreement, not formally authorized.
The Islamists are eager to ride on the army’s back, seeing it as the umbilical cord to power. Yet, they also fear the army and have attempted to protect themselves by creating multiple competing armies and militias. Their relationship with the army is ambiguous; we witnessed this closely during the transitional period in Naivasha and after the December Revolution. They have a media chorus ready to attack the army’s leadership whenever they feel threatened.
It is in their interest that the army remains in complete opposition to its own people. What frightens them most is the prospect of the army aligning with the people or the December Revolution in particular. The army has paid a heavy price during the era of the National Salvation, facing divisions and displacements like all state institutions that have been hijacked. At no point has the army been free from the Islamists’ attempts to convert it into a military wing. Today, they surround it with battalions of crime and terrorism in a fragile alliance, reminiscent of fractures witnessed at various historical junctures.
The army is suffering from both longstanding and emerging structural issues that affect its national composition. The makeup of the officers does not reflect that of the soldiers and fails to represent Sudan’s diversity. This imbalance has worsened due to prolonged engagements in rural wars. Previously, Southerners accounted for 21% of its ranks, and their departure led to an increase in this imbalance. Darfur contributed 34% to its composition, while the Nuba Mountains accounted for 13%. Many from these regions have left the army due to the rural conflicts and neglect of lower-ranked personnel. The army’s integrity was further distorted during the “salvation” period, which embraced politicization and the proliferation of multiple armies and militias. This era witnessed the emergence of new militias, the latest being the Kessala Brigade, formed abroad.
The army and security institutions have consumed 80% of the national budget, leaving little for education, health, or services. Rural areas and the middle class have been devastated, resulting in a rise in poverty and marginalization, as well as increasing unemployment among youth, many of whom have turned to armed struggle. The late Jalha Rahmat Al-Mahdi astutely summarized this situation: “We are a burden; no passport, no ID, we push the state beyond its limits. The dead are martyrs and the living benefit.” A state that neglects its rural areas and youth is unsustainable.
The military doctrine of the army does not rest on the principle that sovereignty belongs to the people, nor does it view the army’s mission as defending the authority of the people and the sovereignty of the nation. Instead, it is built on opposing democratic civilian governance. The Islamic movement has no interest in a professional army or its reconstruction; it fears a strong, professional army loyal to the nation and does not fear God, instead requiring an army loyal to its organization and group.
Drying up the resistance is impossible, and the televised killings of innocents by the Ba’ath battalions strike at the very fabric of society, exacerbating ethnic and geographic grievances, tearing apart the bonds of national unity, and undermining the institutions of the state, particularly the armed forces.
The day after the army regained control of Wad Madani, I wrote an article titled “Are Army Leaders on the Brink of Turning the Victory in Wad Madani into a Defeat? Are Islamists Again Trying to Push the Army Toward The Hague?” The Islamic movement, led by individuals wanted by the International Criminal Court, does not want the army’s leadership to seek solutions outside the path of destruction it has outlined. They wish to lead them to the path of criminal accountability, mistakenly believing that the international community will reconcile with them as it did with some groups classified as terrorist organizations, as seen in Syria. Here, the Islamists fail to recognize the geopolitical differences and the distinction between Damascus and Khartoum regarding international interests.
The armed forces have an opportunity to seek genuine peace and national recovery, which can not be achieved by opposing the December Revolution. The revolution is deeper and more firmly rooted than the war and greater than the terror of the Ba’ath. It is crucial to note that this Ba’ath is not the companion Al-Barrah ibn Malik, but Osama Abdullah! The Islamic movement has pushed the armed forces toward a coup, failed in that coup, and then sought war, destroying both society and the state. The people understand that a civilian transitional period was a better option than a coup or war. Once society and the state return, the anger of the people will be directed at the Islamists, and they will be held accountable despite the lies, the noise, and the weapons. Those who doubt this should ask Omar al-Bashir and his associates how they ended up imprisoned instead of remaining in power.
The widespread and horrific crimes committed by both sides of the conflict have taken on a systematic and organized form, with a Daesh-like ideology behind the Ba’ath battalions. Sudanese Islamists who share this extremist ideology should ask themselves: Where is Daesh itself?
It is our duty to undertake extensive and organized efforts both domestically and abroad to monitor, document, and collaborate with national, regional, and international organizations to declare the Islamic movement and its military wing, the Ba’ath battalions, as a terrorist group. Army leaders must recognize that the army is a state institution and should be sensitive to the televised crimes that can not be overlooked and that exacerbate national divisions. This complicates the possibility of building the armed forces according to a new, agreed-upon national program, raising ethnic and geographic questions about the national character of the armed forces—questions that are both old and renewed, deepened by the wounds of this war.
What is happening will not go unchallenged regionally or internationally, and it is in the armed forces’ interest to separate their existence from that of the Islamists, even gradually. We understand the difficulties of this path, and the army leadership must acknowledge the crimes and punish the perpetrators.
The armed movements allied with the armed forces, despite our profound disagreements with their directions, must stand against the crimes and terrorism of the Ba’ath battalions, which are driven by an ethnic agenda and oppose the December Revolution. These movements will also face repercussions one day. It was a commendable action by the Sudan Liberation Movement led by Mini Minawi to condemn some of these crimes publicly.
Finally, we in the civil forces must move beyond the issue of parallel governance and disconnection. The disconnection has already occurred, and we should reconnect with our people, our nation, and the Sudanese Revolution from 1924 to December 2019.
“The Political Dimension of Transitional Justice”
Sudan Sawa Sawa, January 29, 2025
Author: Abdulrazaq Abaker
Transitional justice is one of the fundamental human values that thinkers throughout successive eras have adopted as legal frameworks to reform oppressive regimes and hold them accountable for the crimes they have committed. It serves as a key element in the governance of nations, followed by secondary values such as democracy, liberalism, and federalism. Consequently, transitional justice assumes a significant political dimension as it addresses transitional periods in countries that have experienced conflicts or severe human rights violations.
Transitional justice must aim to build democracy, which in turn reinforces democratic principles through political reforms and the strengthening of state institutions to be transparent, robust, and respectful of human rights. It should ensure the rights of citizenship and their practical application. Additionally, it seeks to achieve national reconciliation, fostering dialogue and understanding among various political and social groups, and working to redress harm and hold accountable those responsible for wartime violations and crimes against humanity, which include displacement, murder, genocide, and other offenses.
Those responsible must be held accountable before superior constitutional courts, whether international, regional, or local, to cleanse what remains of injustice and violations and to prevent their recurrence. Regarding the rule of law, establishing fair and effective judicial systems to address violations is crucial. All policies and procedures must be based on legal foundations, followed by a fair distribution of wealth that achieves social justice and reduces economic disparities. Sustainable development policies should also be promoted to support marginalized groups.
To achieve this justice, institutional reform is essential for restructuring security and the judiciary, ensuring that such violations do not recur and promote professionalism and integrity within government institutions. Therefore, the world has embraced this form of justice as an alternative solution or a key to stabilizing the remaining human values by addressing the root causes of conflict and building citizens’ trust in the state and its institutions.
In summary, transitional justice is not merely a legal or social issue; it must also play a political role as a better solution to eliminate the blemishes from other aspects aimed at rebuilding the state and communities on foundations of justice, fairness, and equality. To achieve these goals, strong political will and commitment from all stakeholders are necessary.
“Drowning in Emptiness”
Sudan Sawa Sawa, January 29, 2025
Author/Researcher: Osman Zakaria
I am drowning in an empty cup,
Cutting half the distance to you.
The night invades me,
Shattering me with scars of memories
That ignites the pages of time.
And I wonder,
What is the secret of my love for you,
When I am the one who always writes you
With the ink of the soul and the pulse of the heart?
You are my identity, the secrets of existence,
Coming from an enchanted planet.
You laugh while the knife twists
On the map of your body.
We are drowning in an empty cup,
Bleeding a history between the pillars of Darfur
And South Kordofan and the Blue Nile.
Our identity is images that cry tears,
It is the issue of your fertile lands
And your abundant resources.
I am Sudanese in my love,
Land of sultans, civilizations, and dynasties.
You will never rest.
You will return sweeter, you will return more precious.
I will boast of you before creation on the Day of Judgment.
I long for you as I hold you close,
So how can I, in my solitude, whisper your name,
Love you?
I live in you, and I exist for you, and with you,
O homeland whose name is me,
And all that remains for me is a rebellious letter.
“Nairobi Surveys: Sudan Sawa Sawa – January 24, 2025”
Share Your Opinion:
Sudan: We have informed South Sudan about the presence of Southern mercenaries within the ranks of the militias, yet no action has been taken. We will respond appropriately to the numerous violations against Juba at both the international and regional levels.
What do you think about the future of relations between the two countries?
Email: info@sudan-sawa-sawa.com
Phone: +254710226030
“Continued Use of Chemical Weapons by the Sudanese Armed Forces”
Nairobi: Sudan Sawa Sawa, January 23, 2025
By: Mutawakil Osman Salamat
In our previous article, we highlighted the delusions affecting the leader of the racist terrorist factions due to the leaked news of potential sanctions being imposed by the United States. Sanctions have indeed been imposed on General Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman Burhan, the commander of the Sudanese Armed Forces, as well as on Ahmad Abdullah, a Sudanese-Ukrainian official in the defense industries system and an arms supplier to the Sudanese military, and the company Protex Limited. We also warned our followers about another very serious leak regarding the use of chemical weapons by the Sudanese Armed Forces in their conflict with the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Due to the gravity of this issue, we promised to dedicate a separate article to it.
In this article, we will explore the nature of this news and seek to understand “what chemical weapons are,” how the armed forces obtained these internationally banned weapons, and whether the use of chemical weapons by the Sudanese Armed Forces in their war against the RSF is the first occurrence. Have these chemical weapons been used in other wars and different areas of Sudan? Has Sudan signed and ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention? What procedures are followed if a member state fails to comply with the terms of the agreement? How can these weapons be disposed of, especially considering the likelihood of the de facto government denying their existence? Additionally, is there a significant risk of their use in densely populated areas of Khartoum?
The nature of this topic comes from an article published in The New York Times by Declan Walsh and Julian E. Barnes, which states that four senior American officials reported that the Sudanese army, under the command of General Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman Burhan, used chemical weapons on at least two occasions against the Rapid Support Forces. Furthermore, these weapons have recently been deployed in remote areas of Sudan, and there are concerns about their potential use in densely populated areas of the capital, Khartoum.
So, what are chemical weapons according to international law?
Article 2 of the Chemical Weapons Convention defines “chemical weapons” as follows, whether together or individually:
1. Toxic chemicals and their precursors, except for those intended for purposes not prohibited under this Convention, provided that the types and quantities are in accordance with such purposes.
2. Munitions and devices specifically designed to cause death or other harm through the toxic properties of the toxic chemicals specified in subparagraph (a) that are released as a result of the use of such munitions and devices.
3. Any equipment specifically designed for use directly in connection with the use of such munitions and devices specified in subparagraph (b).
The same article defines “toxic chemical” as any chemical that, through its chemical action on life processes, can cause death, temporary incapacitation, or permanent harm to humans or animals. This includes all such chemicals regardless of their origin or method of production, and regardless of whether they are produced in munitions facilities or elsewhere.
Some reports indicate that the Sudanese army and allied militias are acquiring armaments from several countries in Europe, Asia, and some North African nations. China, Russia, and Iran have played significant roles in supplying military equipment to the Sudanese government. Sudan’s armament capabilities have developed following the establishment of the Yarmouk Military Industrial Complex, which could have been a source of pride for every Sudanese. However, its goal has been to manufacture and develop weapons and ammunition for the extermination of Sudanese populations in the south, the Funj region, the Nuba Mountains, Darfur, and the east. Reports have emerged of Iranian, Iraqi, Turkish, and other foreign experts working to produce internationally prohibited weapons, specifically chemical weapons, aimed at deterring Sudanese revolutionary movements and exterminating various ethnic groups with Islamic and Arab state ideologies that demand freedom, justice, and equality. These weapons are also reportedly smuggled to Palestinian groups to deter Israel and other Arab states suspected of collaborating with it.
Since that time, the Yarmouk Complex has transformed into a facility for producing chemical weapons. There is also the Giad Complex, with half of its operations now focused on military industries. Other sites have been mentioned as engaging in similar activities but have remained unnoticed since Israel targeted the Yarmouk Complex, such as Karbala, Al-Qadisiyyah, and Guri, along with several other hidden locations in the desert. Numerous national and multinational companies are involved with these sites, both internally and externally.
The Sudanese government has not adhered to international humanitarian law or the Chemical Weapons Convention in its war against its citizens in the regions of the Fung and Nuba Mountains. During the first war from 1984 to 2005, and the second war from 2011 to the present, the government used internationally banned weapons against civilians in these regions. It employed anti-personnel and anti-tank landmines, which were seized by the Sudan People’s Liberation Army after defeating the Sudanese Armed Forces in the city of “Heiban” in June 2011 and in the battle of “Troj” in February 2012. This was confirmed by the Small Arms Survey in May 2012.
The government air force also used cluster bombs against civilians in the Nuba Mountains area of “Troj” on February 29, 2012. The same organization documented the use of incendiary bombs by the government air force when an Antonov aircraft dropped incendiary bombs on civilians in the “Jaw” area, controlled by the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement – North, on March 6, 2012, with testimonies from two victims.
The Sudanese government went further by using chemical and toxic weapons in the city of “Talodi” in 2012, following reports of poisoning cases that resulted in deaths due to inhalation of suffocating gases released by the Sudanese Armed Forces. This serious crime was confirmed by medical professionals who treated many victims in that area, noting that the injuries indicated the nature of these weapons. They reported that the symptoms observed in the affected individuals were likely caused by organophosphate poisoning. This was reiterated by an editor of Nuba Report on October 10, 2016, who stated that some victims who were hospitalized indicated that the government air force had dropped bombs emitting gray smoke that quickly turned white.
The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement – North has called on the regional and international community to protect civilians and take measures to prevent the Sudanese government from using chemical weapons and other internationally banned arms, but to no avail.
Eight years ago, in January 2017, Amnesty International published a report confirming the use of chemical weapons by Sudan in Jebel Marra, Darfur, one year prior to the report’s release. This occurred during a nine-month-long extensive assault by the Sudanese Armed Forces on the region, with most victims being civilians. The organization obtained compelling evidence of the Sudanese government’s war crimes in the area, which included indiscriminate bombing of civilians, extrajudicial killings, abduction and rape of women, looting and burning of villages, and forced displacement. These evidences were evaluated by chemical weapons experts Keith Ward and Jennifer Nack. The organization called for accountability for the perpetrators, but the member states of the Chemical Weapons Convention failed to act for weak and illogical reasons.
The use of chemical weapons by the Sudanese army and its militias in their conflict with the Rapid Support Forces is not the first instance; rather, it is a common practice in their ongoing wars against the Sudanese people in New Funj, Darfur, and the Nuba Mountains, as well as against Sudanese armed resistance movements such as the Sudan People’s Liberation Army – North and the Sudan Liberation Army. This occurs amidst the silence of the marginalized local community and the regional and international community.
The use of these chemical weapons has had detrimental effects on human health in those areas, leading to deaths, the emergence of skin diseases, eye problems, respiratory illnesses, fetal deformities, and the charred remains of victims, as well as amputations. There are also negative impacts on animals and the environment, including water and air pollution, the death of domestic and wild animals, the flight of many species, fish die-offs, soil degradation, and destruction of crops. These are just a few examples, and some of these effects may persist in the long term.
It is well-known that the armed forces and the de facto government in Port Sudan, as well as its predecessors, have not adhered to agreements and commitments, and they do not even respect their semi-constitutional documents and distorted laws. Despite Sudan’s membership in the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), marked by its signing and ratification of the agreement, the country enacted the “Chemical Weapons Prohibition Act of 2004.” This act explicitly prohibits the manufacture, use, production, possession, transfer, or licensing of chemical weapons, as well as the import or export of materials containing specific chemicals, the development or production or storage or use of specified chemicals, and the establishment of chemical facilities. However, reports from the “New York Times” about the army’s use of chemical weapons are alarming, especially given the history of this army and its militias. The army lacks professionalism, and its combat doctrine is based on religion, ethnicity, and jihad for the sake of God. In this abnormal situation, the likelihood of non-compliance with this agreement and its national law is certainly a concern.
Given these circumstances, which indicate the military government’s disregard for international treaties and the imposition of sanctions, it is noted that many Sudanese people and victims of human rights violations have begun to doubt the effectiveness of these sanctions and Washington’s ability to enforce them. They also question the capability of Washington and its allies in international institutions to take bold steps regarding this serious violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention in light of the ongoing collisions of interests in Sudan and international conflicts. Nevertheless, they still hold out hope that these two countries will positively contribute and stand by them alongside the international community during this critical phase.
The United States or any member state of the OPCW must fulfill their ethical duty and humanitarian role in achieving peace and democratic transformation in Sudan and maintaining regional and international security. They should urgently request clarification from the armed forces regarding the possession and use of these dangerous and internationally banned chemical weapons. If the armed forces deny possessing or using these weapons, they must devise a clear and rigorous plan to destroy these chemical weapons, ensuring the safety of Sudanese citizens. In the event of an admission of possession, the organization should impose strict sanctions and pressure the armed forces to provide a detailed plan for the destruction of these chemical weapons according to the procedures outlined in the international Chemical Weapons Convention.
#Protecting Sudanese Citizens from Chemical Weapons
#Imposing Deterrent Sanctions on the Sudanese Army and Its Militias
#Ending Wars by Addressing Their Historical Causes
#Achieving Peace by Tackling the Roots of the Sudanese Problem
“Between Life and Death”
Sudan: Sudan Sawa Sawa, January 22, 2025
Author/Researcher: Osman Zakaria
Do not publish my dreams as if they were a slogan,
All slogans have rusted.
Our dreams have turned to dust.
I once believed my dreams were hope,
I lament my African identity or the foolish ones.
My present has fled for refuge!
What about my future?
The cities are filled with the miserable,
Everyone there feels like a stranger.
Many live like the dead,
While few are truly alive.
The living feel death,
And the dead feel life.
Oh, the duality of existence!
How it revels in the destruction of hopes.
The world has fallen silent,
In the face of the atrocities committed
Against a people who yearned for life on their land.
Let history write what it wishes;
The glow of wishing has faded.
The sun is no longer a sun,
And dreams have lost their goodness.
Write, oh history, and bear witness that
The tears of the sky have been tainted
By the pragmatism of annihilation.
“Thoughts and Sayings”
Sudan Sawa Sawa January 18, 2025
Novelist: Mohammed Abduallah Abduallah Abakar
-1-
“They left their homeland, migrating to foreign lands to improve their economic conditions. Their lives are caught between the hell of exile and the homeland. Despite this, society shows them no mercy, viewing them through a materialistic lens, as if they are mere pumps for money. Their requests are endless, and in the process, their lives and dreams have been lost in exile. Their memories have faded, leaving the expatriate trapped between the fires of their homeland and the fires of exile.”
-2-
“The worst year in my life, marked by bloodshed and the slaughter of the people’s sons by the generals. It was heavy with sorrow and pain as we lost our loved ones. Wars brought smoke, destruction, death, scattered body parts, genocide, displacement, and refugees without return. The cries of women, the elderly, and children echoed due to hunger, cold, and thirst. We hope this year marks a true beginning for a new year, where the Sudanese people can turn the pages of sorrow and pain, moving towards new chapters filled with joy and hope, closing the chapters of wars, gunpowder smoke, and the fires ignited by the generals. With the declaration of a new Sudan, we will celebrate the birth of a new nation.”
3. “Social media has become a sacred aspect of life, presenting frightening phenomena that cast shadows over society, undermining social bonds. These platforms are immersed in scenes, images, videos, and live broadcasts, where users share stories and sad tales of fictional heroes. There’s nudity, daily routines that have turned into calls for corruption, showcasing women’s bodies with their genitalia exposed, covered only by small pieces of sheer fabric. Others exploit Quranic verses and prophetic sayings, swearing by God to gather likes and comments in exchange for money. Some profit from the tragedies of the poor and sick, acting as intermediaries for charitable work by targeting expatriates. Even the streets are not spared; they are found at bus stops, spraying a mixture of water and poor-quality cleaners on car windows, followed by wiping them with a worn-out rag—all to gain financial rewards disguised as gifts. Behind the facade of poverty, these individuals knock on the doors of pity through these platforms to gain new views that enrich their bank accounts and attract new contributors, victims of deceit, and fraud. Their digital methods have created a safe haven that alleviates the shame and embarrassment faced by those who engage in real begging.”
4. “Countries will not rise as long as there are narcissistic and opportunistic elites who violate everything in a struggle to monopolize power, dominate, exclude, and submit to failure. They will never rise as long as countries are run by painkillers that lead to tyranny, dependency, and corruption.”
5. “The brutality of Libyan militia prisons includes killing, torture with electric wires, severe beatings with whips, and the use of sticks for psychological and physical humiliation, to the point of causing bodily disabilities. This torture is aimed at extorting a financial ransom; only then are you released. If you do not pay, you will suffer until you meet your maker in the heavens.”
6. “I have held the cow’s udder for years, milking it as much as I wanted until God took her. However, she left her daughter an orphan. When the daughter grew up, her grandfather told her the entire history of her mother and said: ‘These are thieves; do not submit to them.’ Many nations have liberated themselves from these thieves. Therefore, Macron, do not raise your nose; without Africa, France would not exist. You should thank Africans. This is in response to Macron’s statement: ‘If it weren’t for Africans, France would be German today.'”
7. “After all the hypocrisy and flattery, you want to be a ruler, but do not dance on the skulls of the dead.”
8. “A mother remains a mother despite all difficulties and challenges. In times of hardship, you find her steadfast, embracing her children with a will that instills in them the spirit of life and hope. Everyone marvels at the source of that strength, which emanates from her small heart, hidden behind her ribs—a heart that leaves everyone puzzled by its secret. It embodies tenderness and determination. She is the most important person in my life, a testament to years of sacrifice and forgiveness. She taught me what faith is, through sacrifice, struggle, and true love. I would not be alive without my mother. You are my source of strength, and I am truly proud of you, Mom; you are the heartbeat of my life.”
9. “The African person is socially oppressed, having had their mind washed by educational curricula and media, leading to self-hatred. Therefore, you find the African person is not forgiving of themselves, carrying a historical grievance against others.”
10. “Comrade Wadd Al-Nuba is a creative and revolutionary artist who conveyed a true message to his Sudanese people through revolutionary art. He had a clear vision against domination, injustice, and oppression. This represents a form of art that ignited the fire of rebellion, supporting his country’s issues through his artistic work, managing to address many problems through his revolutionary art.”
11. “The comrade and fighter believes in the principles and goals of change. He stands in defiance against all who have spread corruption on this earth. He struggles tirelessly against the wall of despair, seeking a path for the poor and the needy to follow so they can free themselves from the whims of the reckless. O comrade, you carry all burdens and sorrows, facing every calamity and hardship. Resist all challenges and pressures. Do not break, do not be defeated, do not surrender, do not collapse. Be strong, steadfast, and resilient like a towering mountain, and do not be like those who sell everything, even their own selves, without any compensation.”
“Civil Democratic Forces Coordination “Taqaddum” Holds Armed Forces and Allied Troops Responsible for Atrocities”
Sudan Sawa Sawa, January 16, 2025
The state of Al-Jazeera has been shocked by horrific crimes against civilians following the takeover of the city of Wad Madani and other areas in the state by the armed forces and their allied troops. Disturbing video recordings have surfaced, depicting brutal atrocities that include field executions, beheadings, disembowelments, targeted racial violence, and the burning of residential areas.
This is not the first instance of such atrocities; similar incidents occurred in the areas of Halfaya and the state of Senner after the armed forces gained control there, under the pretext of punishing “collaborators.” This vague term encompasses regional, tribal, and political classifications, as defined by the perpetrators of these crimes. These practices are a testament to the rising terrorist activity of the National Congress Party/Islamic Movement, manifested through their militias and elements within the security and military apparatus. Their aim is to advance a divisive agenda in the country, eliminate dissenters, and instill fear in the hearts of the people in preparation for their iron-fisted control over the nation through a war they have ignited in pursuit of power over the corpses of the people.
We hold the armed forces and their allied troops responsible for these horrific crimes and call for an independent and transparent investigation to identify the violators and pave the way for accountability for the atrocities they have committed. We also urge all supporters of the glorious December Revolution to unite their voices against the National Congress Party/Islamic Movement and their terrorist agenda, and to confront the rising rhetoric of hatred and racism that is being amplified through the media war drums.
Secretary-General
January 16, 2025
#YesToPeace #NoToWar #StopTheWar #PeaceForSudan #ProtectCivilians
In the name of Allah the most compassionate the most merciful
Sudan Sawa Sawa January 16, 2025
“Darfur Community Union in the Netherlands”
Statement of Condemnation:
To the honorable sons and daughters of the Sudanese people both at home and abroad, to local, regional, and international organizations working in the field of human rights, and to nations and peoples that cherish peace and justice:
We have been following with great concern the ongoing senseless war between the armed forces and the Rapid Support Forces in Sudan, which has resulted in the largest man-made humanitarian disaster in our world today! This cursed war exposes the involvement of innocent civilians in central Sudan, specifically the residents of the Kanabi area in the Gezira region, as parties to a conflict in which they have no connection whatsoever. This clearly reveals the mentality behind the organized campaigns of genocide against specific social groups.
The Darfur Community Union in the Netherlands strongly condemns the repeated inhumane violations faced by defenseless civilians in Sudan overall, particularly in Darfur.
Our people are facing heinous crimes against humanity, including genocide and ethnic cleansing perpetrated by the Rapid Support Forces and their affiliates through widespread acts of forced displacement, sexual assaults, and mass killings. Areas such as Kutum, Saraf Omra, Kolbos, Zalingei, and others in Darfur have witnessed these horrific crimes. In the Kanabi area of Gezira, citizens have faced severe violations, including public executions, being thrown into the Nile from bridges, and being shot in the streets. These egregious acts are committed by the Sudanese army and the so-called “Brigades of Innocence,” under the guise of cooperating with the Rapid Support Forces or the so-called “Law of Strange Faces.”
The Catastrophic Humanitarian Situation:
Our people in Sudan, particularly in Darfur, are enduring extraordinarily harsh humanitarian conditions that defy description. Women and children are dying from hunger, while those who remain live in constant fear of an uncertain fate. Survivors are seeking safe refuge amid a lack of security and food, creating an unprecedented humanitarian disaster that calls for urgent intervention from humanitarian organizations to save the victims.
The Darfur Community Union demands the following:
1. End the Indiscriminate Bombing:
We call on both parties in the conflict to cease the indiscriminate bombing of cities and displaced persons’ camps using heavy artillery and aircraft. We also demand that the war be kept away from residential areas and that civilians not be used as human shields.
2. Lift the Siege:
We urge the Rapid Support Forces to stop the siege of cities and states, allowing the delivery of essential supplies and necessary materials for life.
3. Provide Humanitarian Assistance:
We appeal to the international community, the United Nations, humanitarian organizations, the African Union, and local and regional organizations to take responsibility for delivering humanitarian aid to save those affected throughout Sudan.
4. Accountability for Crimes:
We call upon the judicial and human rights authorities to issue arrest warrants against those responsible for crimes against humanity and genocide. All individuals involved in these crimes must be held accountable and brought to justice immediately.
5. Immediate Cessation of War:
We demand that the warring parties cease hostilities immediately and work towards achieving comprehensive peace. What our people are experiencing in Darfur, and Sudan in general, is a humanitarian disaster that threatens life and existence. It is essential to unite efforts to save lives, achieve justice, and ensure a dignified and safe future for the affected.
In conclusion:
We beseech the Almighty God to improve the situation in Sudan, to bring security and peace to all corners of the country, to spare our people the horrors of war and calamities, and to relieve their suffering, granting them a dignified and safe life. Justice for all the people of Sudan. The blood of the victims will not be shed in vain. Sudan is a homeland for all.
Darfur Community Union in the Netherlands
January 16, 2025
“Sudan Sawa Sawa, January 16, 2024
Dr. Abdullah Hamdok
Former Prime Minister
The ongoing violations and massacres in the Al-Jazeera State are horrifying. Our people have been subjected to these atrocities for over three decades. The world must take responsibility for protecting civilians from these terrorist groups that commit the most heinous massacres against our people.
I appeal to all honorable sons and daughters of Sudan not to succumb to campaigns of racial mobilization and hate speech, and to resist the incitement against various social groups that seek to create further discord among Sudanese people.
We urge all advocates of peace worldwide to work towards bringing the warring parties to an immediate halt to this devastating war.
“From the Stations of War Trade”
Sudan Sawa Sawa, January 16, 2025
Author: Researcher Osman Zakaria
Throughout Sudan’s history, the price of wars and destruction has always been paid by the marginalized, the oppressed, the poor, and the wretched. Similarly, the costs of ignorance, backwardness, human exploitation, and fatal religious extremism fall on the marginalized and the uninformed, who become victims of abhorrent sectarian religious mobilization. Meanwhile, indifferent stakeholders and politicians sit behind their tables, exchanging small talk and toasting to their deals, just as they do today in their lavish palaces, while they kill citizens and their children in purges that primarily target individuals based on ethnicity, color, and narrow affiliations aimed at erasing their identities. This has occurred in many regions of Sudan, such as Darfur, South Kordofan, and Blue Nile, where they continue to perpetrate the same horrific practices against local populations.
What is happening to the citizens of the Kanabi area in the “Wad Madani” region follows the same pattern, as they are coldly killed through systematic purges conducted by sectarian militias using the most severe forms of torture, while no one does anything to stop this dirty war. In times of war, madness can prevail, and genius may emerge.
Why don’t some decide to amend the rules of the war trade game?
This might be a revenge against the dominance of certain empty assumptions and the simplicity of those calling for subjecting unscientific fundamentals to the authority of reason. The war trade revolves around a primary objective: protecting historical privileges, even at the cost of the majority of the Sudanese people.
What the Sudanese people propose is to replace the destructive game of war trade with a game of free democracy that respects every individual’s life, granting them the right to live with dignity and obligating leaders to move toward a fair and dignified homeland where everyone is equal, without discrimination based on ethnicity, color, gender, or narrow affiliations.
“I do not belong to a generation that hears tales about my ideal city.”
Sudan Sawa Sawa January 14, 2025
By the novelist: Mohamed Abduallah Abduallah Abaker
“I do not belong to a generation that hears tales of my ideal city, nor do I have the stories of past centuries about the beauty of its streets, alleys, and signs of civilization. My generation opened its eyes to the city during a time of wars, chaos, destruction, and devastation. They did not leave a landmark without attempting to demolish it. They destroyed every trace of beauty they could reach, leading the city to its current state of ruin, devastation, and disorder at the hands of generals. Signs of chaos are found everywhere: in distorted buildings, crumbling streets, and areas overshadowed by misery, poverty, and deprivation. Upon entering these areas, the city’s entrances reveal the extent of destruction, neglect, and decay that has befallen it.
It seems that what is happening to the city is a result of a political class that has seized power and harbors a deep-seated resentment towards everything historical and civilized in this city. Perhaps they do not feel a sense of belonging to this civilization. They have stripped the city of its spirit, transforming it into a grotesque entity that no longer belongs to the realm of civilization and progress. All that remains are the poems and songs we sing about it, despite the systematic and intentional destruction aimed at eradicating the signs of life in the city.
All the afflicted cities that have lost their joy to wars and conflicts wake up to the sounds of shells and aircraft that violate their sanctity. Cities where war has become a daily activity—a reality that must be adapted to. In these cities, one can suddenly become a displaced person, a refugee, or a homeless individual on the streets, while loved ones, who once provided shelter, have become mere fragments. In cities where children no longer know the taste of play, they have become stateless.
Our lives are filled with wars, devastation, famine, and a disregard for human life, tearing apart freedom and suffocating breaths in a crippled homeland. Your rights are stripped away, and your dignity is insulted, leaving you uncertain about where to go. You become a displaced, expelled individual without a homeland, while hunger, relentless and unforgiving, etches its mark on the bellies of the people.”
“The Danger of Violence in Schools”
Sudan Sawa Sawa, January 11, 2025
Author: Mohamad Abduallah Abduallah Abaker
School violence is one of the most serious phenomena that has begun to spread and escalate in all communities. It manifests in various forms, primarily verbal, physical, and symbolic. These are pathological behaviors that, in turn, impact all aspects of cognition, psychology, and social interaction.
School violence did not emerge from a vacuum; it is driven by a range of pathological social factors, including methods of socialization, media content that encourages violent behavior, and the influence of drugs. Violence refers to aggressive verbal and non-verbal behavior directed toward another person. It encompasses physical violence, psychological harm, threats, theft of others’ possessions, and chaos and disorder within the school environment.
Causes of School Violence:
Family:
The role of the family has diminished due to both parents working and relying on external care, as well as family breakdown resulting from divorce. Additionally, families often fail to meet the needs of their children due to their low economic status.
Society:
Poverty and deprivation are prevalent, and the roots of a patriarchal society remain dominant. For instance, the use of violence by a father or teacher is often considered acceptable and aligns with social norms. According to social psychology theory, individuals tend to exhibit violent behavior when they are part of a society that views violence as an allowable and accepted behavior.
There is a traditional perspective that glorifies successful students while belittling those who struggle academically. This demeaning comparison fosters violent behavior. The social climate is characterized by a lack of social justice, unclear visions for the future, and the absence of effective social policies in marginalized areas, as well as ineffective planning.
The lack of organized policies for leisure activities and the absence of alternative recreational opportunities, along with weak social guidance and support systems, coupled with the economic status of some impoverished families, makes students feel inadequate and deprived in comparison to their peers. This can lead to feelings of hatred and resentment towards those who are better off, resulting in unusual behaviors that may drive them to engage in violent practices.
Culture:
The youth’s disinterest in cultural and youth centers, as well as children’s clubs, is due to the absence of rich programming and modern facilities. Additionally, the promotion of violence in certain dramatic works, recreational games, and political dialogues contributes to this detachment.
School:
There is a lack of cultural and sports activities, as well as insufficient diverse activities that cater to various hobbies and interests. The weakness of curricula and educational content, which do not keep pace with the rapid developments in modern information and communication technology, leads to the continued use of outdated teaching methods. These traditional approaches have a negative impact on the upbringing of this generation, contributing to unethical behaviors characterized by violence.
Dependence on Lectures and Lack of Dynamics
Some subjects rely heavily on lectures, leading students to become disruptive. The assessment methods currently in use favor testing over behavioral modification, neglecting to address students’ weaknesses and focusing excessively on criticism. There is a lack of interactive classes and an overload of explanatory sessions, resulting in an imbalance between education and upbringing. The loss of educational role models has contributed to the rise of private tutoring, which has diminished the teacher’s authority, making them a mere tool in the hands of students and parents. This has negatively impacted the teacher’s image in the eyes of students and led to the collapse of their role as a model. Additionally, there is a lack of fieldwork in the study of violence, which should be based on statistical data and surveys that define specific temporal and spatial research locations.
Reducing School Violence:
To combat school violence, it is essential to promote a culture of tolerance and reject violence. This includes fostering listening and communication skills among students and between teachers and students, starting from a young age.
Organizing meetings with parents can help clarify dialogue methods and give children the space to express their opinions, ensuring they are listened to. There is a need to restructure cultural and sports activities, incorporating incentives to discover and encourage talents. Social prevention should focus on improving the harsh social conditions faced by communities vulnerable to violence and delinquency while instilling a culture of success in life and educating on communication skills.
Reviewing the School Discipline System
The school discipline system should be revised to become a preventive behavioral modification system rather than a punitive one. This includes increasing listening sessions, enhancing students’ self-confidence, raising awareness of their positive attributes, and incorporating educational psychology classes for teachers. Activating the role of parents and relevant community associations is essential, as well as taking care of institutional projects and prioritizing certain institutions.
The role of social counselors should be emphasized by identifying students with recurring aggressive behavior so that we can address them and understand the reasons behind their actions. Intensifying social guidance sessions and preventive awareness through school magazines and wall posters is necessary to sensitize students and protect them from tendencies toward violence.
Strengthening preventive measures in schools can be achieved by implementing a daily supervision program to monitor student attendance and punctuality while also avoiding empty periods or irregular schedules. Cases of violence within the institution should be documented, followed, and studied by the educational community, including the parents’ council, social counselor, school doctor, and support staff.
Facilitating communication between educational institutions, families, and teachers is crucial, along with activating listening and social guidance cells. Preventing violence involves addressing behavioral deviations that students may exhibit, such as drinking alcohol, smoking, or experiencing psychological stress.
Both families and educational institutions must fulfill their roles in socialization to avoid the underlying causes of these issues.
“A Grievance Against You, My Country“
Sudan Sawa Sawa, January 9, 2025
By the Researcher: Osman Zakaria
I hold a grievance against you, my country,
For I love you, yet you do not protect me!
In my childhood, my dream was to buy new shoes and pants, but you never fulfilled my desires; you never gave me anything!
You did not provide me with a seat in your universities, forcing me to migrate in search of knowledge, while the host country took away a part of my life, my love, and my longing.
Throughout my life, you subjected me to those who humiliated me and those who silenced me.
When I came of age, you left me vulnerable to war, seeking refuge in chance, with no one else to protect me. You prevented me from pouring my thoughts into writings that could benefit others.
I hold a grievance against you, my country, so do not disown my blood!
I grieve over your shortsightedness as you abolished breastfeeding from mothers and replaced mother’s milk with cow’s milk, causing bulls to become our brothers in nursing, and we inherited their stubbornness, adding to the stubbornness of nature!
I hold a grievance against you, my country, because you no longer treat your children equally in love, pushing some to seek affection to compensate for emotional deprivation. I lament the language of Arabic that has replaced emotions with storms throughout my life.
I grieve, but I do not seek an apology that may not arrive before my time runs out!
Today, my life bids farewell to what I once thought was my lifetime; today I discovered that we were not granted lifetimes in you, but rather temporary residencies in a corrupt era.
“The Absence of Reading in Society“
Sudan Sawa Sawa, January 9, 2025
By Novelist: Mohamed Abdullah Abdullah Abakar
“When we say that reading is the key to the mind, a pathway to the maturation of ideas, and a means to elevate oneself to stand out among others, it is unfortunately absent from our communities. This absence is largely due to educational systems filled with gaps and far removed from analytical and critical approaches, as well as encouragement for reading. For instance, most students graduate with little more than what they studied in their textbooks and university courses.
The abundance of distractions available to youth—such as the internet, movies, and games—along with the overwhelming influence of social media, which bombards them with temptations and diversions, consumes their time entirely. You often see young people glued to their screens, whether in front of televisions, watching videos, or tuning into satellite channels, wasting all their time on films, programs, and series. This phenomenon has even extended to trains, subways, and bus stops, where everyone is engrossed in their smart devices instead of reading books.
Moreover, the rising prices of books pose a challenge, especially since many young people are facing financial crises. There is also a lack of incentives, rewards, and competitions centered around reading, understanding, and summarizing books. As a result, the culture of reading remains absent in our societies.”
“Why This Contradiction?“
Sudan Sawa Sawa, January 8, 2025
Author: Salah El-Din Al-Sada
In life, there is much joy, but there is also a great deal of pain. We have many friends, yet we often feel lonely. We have numerous family members, but very little genuine communication and connection. There is an abundance of love, but also an overwhelming amount of betrayal and emotional manipulation. There are few sincere expressions of affection, while concealed hatred abounds. We have countless certificates, yet little awareness and insight. There are many platforms for peace, yet wars continue to devastate countries. Numerous preachers exist, but very few demonstrate true commitment and integrity. There are many mosques, but very few true believers and devout individuals. We have plenty of fertile agricultural land, yet we face famine and severe poverty. There are abundant resources and opportunities, but very few creative and invested minds. There are many doctors, yet people still die from malaria and cholera.
Many opportunities exist, but people remain unemployed and consume without contributing. There are many wealthy individuals, yet they are unhappy and unable to enjoy their wealth due to chronic illnesses that plague them. We are all disengaged, yet we pretend to be busy. There are many books, but few readers, and those who do read often reflect on only a fraction of the material.
In this life, some people are joyful and indulge in life’s pleasures, while others are afflicted and lay on the ground in sorrow and despair, hungry and thirsty. Is this what is called fate? Or is there a betrayal of trust in enjoying the rights of others? I do not know where this contradiction arises! Are we inconsistent with our reality? Or is our reality inconsistent with us? Is this contradiction in our favor? Or does it beautify our lives? Why don’t we strive to improve ourselves and aspire to higher salaries? Why are we so superficial that we pretend to be good while harboring so much pain within? Why do we greet each other in mosques yet clash on the streets? Why do we seek to please distant individuals while ignoring those who are very close to us? Why are we so superficial that we deceive each other in our relationships, considering it cleverness and wit? Wouldn’t it be better if we were honest from the very beginning?
Why do girls use makeup to attract us, the careless ones, who haven’t even treated our faces to a bit of Vaseline except in the harsh winter? Were you not beautiful until after using it? Or do you have a complex of inferiority and objection towards God? One last question: Why do we kill each other while aspiring to enter heaven? Is not Satan more honorable than us because he did not commit the sin of taking a life?
However, we must be honest with ourselves and with those we love so that there is balance between our priorities and secondary matters, between what is important and what is more important. We need to dedicate time to the precious things in our lives—our duties, our mothers, fathers, children, wives, husbands, neighbors, work, education, loved ones, sisters, brothers, friends, feelings, and everything beautiful in our lives. According to my humble analysis, neglecting any of these elements that represent the essence of our lives is what amplifies the contradictions within us.
In conclusion, the trap we find ourselves in can not be escaped without uprooting the poison, causing the disease from its roots. At this point, I would like to quote a part of a statement by Jay Shetty that he mentioned in one of his articles: “We can not solve problems with the same mindset that created them.”
Introduction
In times of change and uncertainty, statements from leaders, organizations, and communities serve as powerful tools to shape public discourse and influence decision-making. In Sudan, statements have played a pivotal role in reflecting aspirations, addressing grievances, and charting a course for the future. “Statements” captures these vital messages, offering a platform for diverse voices that contribute to the country’s evolving story.
Official Statements
From government leaders to international organizations, official statements provide critical insights into policies, intentions, and responses to unfolding events. These declarations often outline frameworks for action, offer reassurance during crises, or convey diplomatic stances.
By archiving and analyzing these statements, the platform helps audiences understand the positions of key stakeholders, enabling a clearer view of Sudan’s political and social landscape.
Civil Society and Grassroots Movements
Statements from civil society groups and grassroots movements offer an authentic glimpse into the concerns and demands of Sudan’s people. These voices often highlight issues overlooked by mainstream narratives, bringing attention to social justice, human rights, and environmental challenges.
Amplifying these statements not only ensures representation but also fosters a sense of collective agency, empowering communities to push for meaningful change.
International Solidarity
Sudan’s journey toward stability and progress has garnered global attention, with statements from foreign governments, NGOs, and advocacy groups reflecting international solidarity. These messages often express support, call for accountability, or offer resources to address humanitarian crises.
Highlighting such statements underscores Sudan’s interconnectedness with the global community and emphasizes the importance of sustained international engagement.
Statements of Reflection and Hope
Beyond politics and advocacy, some statements carry messages of reflection, hope, and resilience. These often come from cultural leaders, religious figures, or ordinary citizens sharing their experiences and visions for a better future.
These statements serve as reminders of the strength and perseverance of Sudan’s people, inspiring others to remain hopeful despite challenges.
Interactive Engagement
“Statements” encourages audience interaction, allowing readers to engage with the content through polls, discussions, or submissions of their own statements. This participatory approach fosters a sense of inclusion and ensures that the platform remains a dynamic space for dialogue.
Conclusion
“Statements” provides a curated space for the voices shaping Sudan’s narrative, offering insights into the country’s complexities and aspirations. By showcasing diverse perspectives, the platform bridges divides and promotes understanding among local and international audiences.
In a time of transformation, the power of words cannot be underestimated. Through “Statements,” Sudan’s story is not only told but also enriched by the voices that define its path forward.